Publicaciones de Académicos

A.- Publicaciones en Revistas Indexadas en WoS, Scopus, Scielo

Delooz Brochet, B., & Serrano Moreno, J. E. (2023). “Ordenamiento del territorio y cambio climático. Estudio dogmático y crítico del Plan Regional de Ordenamiento Territorial”. Revista De Derecho Ambiental, 2(20), 31–63. Scopus.

https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-4633.2023.71100

Abstract: El Plan Regional de Ordenamiento Territorial (PROT) es un instrumento de planificación administrativa introducido en Chile en 2018 por la Ley n. 19.175, orgánica constitucional sobre gobierno y administración regional, cuya política nacional ha sido adoptada en 2021 y cuyo reglamento está en curso de elaboración. En el marco del proceso de regionalización chileno, el legislador buscaba con el PROT descentralizar a las regiones competencias de planificación administrativa clave para el desarrollo sustentable y la crisis climática. El instrumento está regulado por un marco normativo compuesto en gran medida por normas de reciente adopción que no han sido aplicadas plenamente, en particular debido a la reciente introducción por la Ley Marco de Cambio Climático de 2022, de la variable climática en numerosos procedimientos administrativos. La introducción de ésta impacta la creación, adopción e implementación del PROT creando nuevos deberes para la Administración y complejizando los procedimientos. Este estudio, basado en el análisis dogmático y crítico del conjunto de normas que regulan el PROT, sostiene que la ausencia de un marco normativo estable y coherente, así como el aumento de conflictos entre entes públicos, representan obstáculos mayores al cumplimiento de los objetivos del instrumento en cuanto a la prevención y mitigación de los efectos del cambio climático.

Cáceres Bustamante, J., & Delev, C. (2023). Where to Next? Modernizing Environmental Commitments in EU-Latin America Free Trade Agreements. Legal Issues of Economic Integration, 50(3). WoS - Scopus.

Abstract: The European Union (EU) is renegotiating its trade agreements with Latin American States. The core objective of this process is to modernise the Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapters of these agreements. As such, this article critically examines the prospects of the modernised TSD chapters in the Chile-EU Association Agreement and the EU-Mexico Global Agreement, drawing lessons for the potential amendment of the EU-Andes Agreement. For this purpose, the article addresses the modernisation process of the EU-Chile Association Agreement by surveying Chile’s negotiating practice in incorporating environment and climate change-related provisions in trade agreements. It compares the evolution of these provisions within the EU’s practice and discusses the convergence or divergence of views that have shaped the existing agreement. Additionally, it explores the possible future review process of the TSD chapter in the agreement. Furthermore, the article discusses the ongoing renegotiating process of the Global Agreement between the EU and Mexico. It examines the opportunity to enhance the current environmental protection disciplines in this agreement. Finally, the article evaluates how these experiences can inform a future renegotiation of the EU-Andes Agreement, with a focus on prioritising the Parties' nationally determined contributions under the Paris Agreement.

Muñoz, F.; López, D.; & Cáceres, J. (2023). Chile – South Korea FTA: Extensive and intensive margins analysis. Revista de Análisis Económico. Scopus.

http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/S0718-88702023000200073

Abstract: This paper analyzes the impact of the Chile-Korea Free Trade Agreement (CKFTA) over the bilateral extensive and intensive margins of trade. For this purpose, it defines as extensive margin those trade flows established after the entry into force of the agreement (i.e. products not traded before 2004), while the intensive margin refers to the growth of exports of existing products in the bilateral relation. To estimate these effects, a Poisson-Pseudo Maximum Likelihood model is proposed. Using disaggregated product data (6-digit HS system) for the period 1996-2017, the paper tests the impact of the agreement on bilateral flows, as well as differentiated this effect between intensive and extensive margin. It is found that the CKFTA had a positive effect over bilateral trade flows, and although new products were added to the bilateral export basket (extensive margin), the impact is stronger on goods already been traded (intensive margin).

Boza, S., Muñoz, J., & Cáceres, J. (2023). Does harmonization reduce the impact of SPS measures on agricultural exports? An assessment from the Chilean fruit sector. Revista de la Facultad de Ciencias Agrarias UNCuyo. Scopus.

https://doi.org/10.48162/rev.39.097

Abstract: Non-tariff measures (NTMs) are relevant to agricultural trade policies, especially since trade negotiations have significantly decreased tariffs. Countries impose Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS), a technical NTM, to protect human, animal, and plant health by regulating specific food quality and safety aspects. This article aims to assess the impact of SPS measures imposed by Chile’s main trading partners on agricultural trade, specifically on the value of fruit exports. It also seeks to determine the effects of harmonizing technical regulations between Chile and its partners. We estimated a gravity equation as a negative binomial regression model with Chilean fruit exports to main destination markets from 2010 to 2019 as the dependent variable. Our results confirm a negative impact of foreign SPS measures on Chilean fruit exports. However, that impact is mitigated if Chile has a harmonized SPS measure. Thus, we can conclude that harmonization reduces the negative effects of foreign SPS measures on exports. Our results suggest that trade agreements, which often contain a chapter on SPS, positively contribute to SPS harmonization and mitigate SPS’s negative impacts on trade flows.

Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2023), “Ordinary citizens and political crises: The Hong Kong Anti- Extradition Movement (2019-2020)”, Estudios Internacionales, vol. 55, n. 205, pp.93-116. SciELO.

https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2023.71195

Abstract: This study focuses on the actions and perceptions of individuals who participated in the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill (Anti-ELAB) movement in Hong Kong initiated in April 2019 and interrupted by the covid 19 pandemic and the adoption of the National Security Law in June 2020. Based on semi-structured interviews, the article explains how ordinary citizens and first-time activists helped shape a political crisis and how it changed their political perceptions. The study adopts a theoretical perspective inspired by studies of collective action in contexts of political crises, placing the individual at the centre of the analysis and adopting a situational and processual approach. The findings show that the actors perceived themselves as protagonists of historical events produced by the authoritarian turn of the Hong Kong political system thanks to the appropriation of new identities, the radicalisation of their liberal values and the mobilisation of their previous skills and resources.

Osorio Solano, S.A. and Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2023). "What lies behind the people? An approach to the 2019 mobilizations in Hong Kong and Chile through sociological discourse analysis", Asian Education and Development Studies, Vol. 12 No. 2/3, pp. 236-247. Scopus.

https://doi.org/10.1108/AEDS-01-2023-0003

Abstract: This study analyzes how the notion of the people emerged in two (neo)liberal societies during the crisis in 2019: Hong Kong and Chile. From a qualitative and comparative perspective, 131 middle-class individuals were interviewed during heightened contentious activity in Hong Kong and Chile. The interviews were analyzed based on Ruiz's model for sociological discourse analysis. The study shows that in contexts strongly influenced by liberalism, the notion of “people” is not advertised antagonistically against the individual but as complementary, and to this end, it emphasizes the heterogeneity of repertoires or demands. The comparison of these two movements highlighted the importance of democratic institutions in shaping the outcomes and effectiveness of protests.
Enacting the National Security Law in Hong Kong and the mandatory blockade imposed by both governments in response to the COVID-19 pandemic required an adaptation in the design and execution of the interviews, adopting a hybrid format. The volatility that characterizes periods of political crisis requires longitudinal follow-up. This article does not capture but can be explored in associated research publications.

The research offers two significant contributions: it addresses the immediate context by conducting on-site research during the most significant contemporary crises in Hong Kong and Chile. Secondly, it problematizes the understanding of the people in liberal societies and proposes it as a complementary (and not antagonistic) concept to that of the individual.

Serrano-Moreno, J.E. & Osorio Solano, S. 2023. Did the pandemic spread populism? comparative study on the transformations of citizen movements in Chile and Hong Kong. WoS

https://doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2023.2178405

Abstract: This article analyses the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the citizen movements initiated in Hong Kong and Chile in 2019. Based on discourse analysis and interviews, the study argues that adapting the repertoires of protest to the mobility restrictions and the evolution of the political systems reinforced the populist dimension of the Anti-ELAB (anti-extradition law amendment bill) and the Chilean Spring movements. In Hong Kong, the restrictions of freedoms facilitated the constitution of a broad international network opposed to the Chinese Communist Party that comprises overseas organisations and public figures in exile dedicated to lobbying before western governments and providing a discourse frame to the diasporic communities. In Chile, the successive election campaigns that accompanied the constitutional process allowed new political actors with refoundation aspirations to access the institutions. This study found, in both cases, that rhetoric based on the antagonistic exaltation of the people’s signifier has become central to the movements’ discourses: a transformation accompanied by the consolidation of political leaders pretending to represent the movements’ demands. This study analyses the discourses and demands of the citizen movements in light of the institutional framework in which they appear and evolve to contribute to the growing literature where the study of contemporary social movements intersects with the studies of populism.

Dockendorff, A. & Lodato S. 2023. "When Do Interest Groups Lobby Legislators in Strong Presidential Systems?". Legislative Studies Quarterly. (WoS)

https://doi.org/10.1111/lsq.12419

Abstract: When do interest groups target legislators to approach or lobby under strong presidentialism? This article explores two hypotheses. First, interest groups and lobbyists seek to access committee chairs with gatekeeping power, even in those jurisdictions where the executive holds (most) exclusivity to initiate legislation (Gatekeeping Hypothesis). Second, interest groups and lobbyists target legislators who introduce more bills on issues that concern them but only on policy areas outside the executive’s exclusive sphere (Legislative Activity Hypothesis). We test these hypotheses with evidence from the Chilean Chamber of Deputies. We have coded and analysed 6479 lobbying audiences and over 2300 bills.

Rojas-de-Galarreta, F. (2022). Comunidades epistémicas en Política Exterior: el caso de Chile en la Alianza del Pacífico. Estudios internacionales (Santiago), 54(203), 9-36. SCIELO

https://revistaei.uchile.cl/index.php/REI/article/view/68595

Abstract: Algunas comunidades epistémicas logran influir en las políticas y otras no. Este artículo indaga en los factores que condicionan o permiten esta influencia, enfocándose en el área de política exterior. Para ello, examina a través de process tracing la decisión de Chile de ingresar como miembro pleno en la Alianza del Pacífico, explicando por qué en este caso la comunidad epistémica de política exterior tuvo una limitada influencia.

Muñoz, F.; López, D.; & Cáceres, J. (2022). Chile-Korea Free Trade Agreement: a synthetic control assessment. ECLAC Review. WoS.

https://doi.org/10.18356/16840348-2022-138-7

Abstract: In 2003, Chile and the Republic of Korea signed the first trans-Pacific free trade agreement (FTA). The two countries’ objectives differed. Chile sought to increase, diversify, and add value to its exports, while the Republic of Korea had the political economy-driven goal of initiating preferential liberalization negotiations, and Chile was seen as an ideal candidate for exploring this path. This paper focuses on the Chilean objectives behind the signing of the Chile-Republic of Korea FTA and therefore considers its effects on Chilean exports. Synthetic control methods are used to assess the impact of the Agreement on exports, in terms of value and number of products. As an extension, the impact of the Agreement on the intensive and extensive margins of Chilean exports to the Republic of Korea is analysed. While the Agreement is found to have had a positive impact on Chilean exports, this effect is non-significant for newly exported products.

Schulz, C. A., & Rojas-De-Galarreta, F. (2022). Chile as a transpacific bridge: Brokerage and social capital in the Pacific Basin. Geopolitics, 27(1), 309-332. WoS.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14650045.2020.1754196?journalCode=fgeo20

Abstract: The idea of Chile as a ‘bridge country’ that connects – or should connect – Latin America with the Asia-Pacific region has guided its commercial diplomacy since the early 1990s. We argue that this geopolitical vision corresponds closely with what network analysts describe as a ‘broker’: an actor that bridges ‘structural holes’ by connecting otherwise disconnected actors or groups of actors. As a relational approach, social network analysis provides an alternative way of thinking about Chile’s position in international relations that does not rely on preconceived groupings or rank orders based on country attributes, as in the case of ‘middle powers’ and ‘small states.’ Further, the approach allows us to empirically explore which countries of the Pacific Basin currently perform such a role and whether (and when) Chile conforms to the theoretical expectations of a ‘transpacific broker.’ Using network data on commercial agreements (1980–2018), we trace Chile’s emergence as a transpacific broker and discuss how its commercial diplomacy provided the country with leverage in this regard. In doing so, the study sheds light on the opportunities and limitations of peripheral actors seeking to gain social capital through networks of relations.

Gutiérrez, V., & Muñoz, F. (2022). Desigualdad económica en Chile en el contexto de la Agenda 2030: Análisis de las acciones públicas. Estudios Internacionales, 54(203), 87–127. Scielo.

https://doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2022.67998

Abstract: En Chile, el tema de la desigualdad es de larga data y se ve reflejado en la vida cotidiana de sus habitantes en diversas áreas. Esto ha traído consigo un aumento del descontento social, lo que se ha visto reflejado en una variedad de movilizaciones sociales, las cuales detonaron el año 2019 con el “Estallido Social”, lo que demostró, entre otras cosas, la urgencia que requiere enfrentar este problema en el país. La desigualdad económica es multidimensional, y contempla dimensiones ex-ante y ex-post. Así, la reducción de esta debe responder a ambas dimensiones si estas se quieren disminuir efectivamente. En el año 2015, Chile adoptó la Agenda 2030, la cual busca guiar a los países en la implementación del desarrollo sostenible. Dentro de esta agenda, se encuentra el Objetivo de Desarrollo Sostenible 10 sobre “Reducir la desigualdad en y entre los países”, el cual contempla diez metas. Así, para este artículo, se analizaron las acciones públicas, presentadas por el Consejo Nacional para la implementación de la Agenda 2030 para el Desarrollo Sostenible, con el fin de determinar si la estrategia chilena, llevada a cabo entre el 2015 y 2018, considera un concepto multidimensional de las disparidades económicas o no.

Muñoz, F. & Cáceres, J. (2022). Drafting e-commerce regulations for a sustainable economic recovery: Lesson from DEPA analysis. Justica do Dereito. 36(2), 69-104. Scopus.

https://doi.org/10.5335/rjd.v36i2.13390

Abstract: The current international pandemic situation caused by the COVID-19 outbreak has disrupted economic activity and development worldwide. However, digital enabled activities have proven a relative stronger resilience, and, worldwide, most economic sectors have shifted to digital platforms to continue operating. In this context, the drafting of digital economy regulations has become a relevant policy issue for governments across the Asia Pacific region. Nevertheless, the absence of multilateral regulations in this area has become an obstacle for achieving common regulatory frameworks to deal with digital economy issues, for which regional and bilateral agreements have begun to draft regulations. The proliferation of digital economy provisions in preferential agreements may lead to the so called “spaghetti bowl”. From here, the objective of this paper is to contribute to the governance of digital economy among APEC economies, through the characterization of free trade agreements signed between APEC and Latin American economies. This selection was made due to the diversity of agreements that can be found within this subregion.In this context, the Digital Economy Partnership Agreement (DEPA), led by Chile,New Zealand, and Singapore has become a reference point that could serve as a steppingstone towards common regulatory frameworks in this matter. The paper concludes that DEPA may be used as a benchmark for the development of regulations that will help boost cross border e-commerce in APEC economies for a post pandemic sustainable recovery.

Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2021). “La aceleración de la integración jurídica y política de Hong Kong en la República Popular China”. Estudos Internacionais. 9(3), 96-113. Scopus.

https://doi.org/10.5752/P.2317-773X.2021v9n3p96-113

Abstract: Este artigo analisa o processo de transição para o autoritarismo pelo qual passou o sistema político da Região Administrativa Especial de Hong Kong, a partir de uma análise crítica e comparativa da literatura e das normas constitucionais e jurisprudenciais. Embora Hong Kong tenha sido no passado considerado um regime híbrido semidemocrático, desde 2014, as mobilizações da sociedade civil levaram a um endurecimento da estratégia do governo central e ao esvaziamento progressivo do Estado de direito na região autônoma. Este estudo examina os principais fatores que explicam essa evolução: a inconsistência de sua ordem constitucional, o poder de interpretação da Lei Básica da região pelo governo central e a adoção da lei de segurança nacional em 30 de junho de 2020.

Dockendorff, A.; Gamboa, R. & Aubry, M. 2021. Substantive Representation of Women’s Interests: Chile, 1990–2020. Representation 58.1 (2022): 139-148. SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2021.1982757

Abstract: This research note presents an empirical test aimed at untangling the factors that explain the substantive representation of women’s interests in the legislative arena. We hand-coded over 7000 parliamentarians’ bills introduced in the Chilean Chamber of Deputies between 1990 and 2020. Our results show, first, that female legislators are more active than men in sponsoring bills that favour women’s interests, especially regarding feminist claims. Secondly, we find that female parliamentarians from leftist parties are more likely to embrace feminist claims in their bills than female legislators from right-wing parties. By contrast, women from the right initiate more often bills associated with women’s traditional role.

Altman, D., Rojas-de-Galarreta, F., & Urdinez, F. (2021). An interactive model of democratic peace. Journal of Peace Research, 58(3), 384-398. WoS.

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0022343319883672

Abstract: Democracies do not take up arms against each other. Although this axiom has attained the status of a mantra in the field of international relations, this statement is much more complex than it appears, in part because it is highly contingent on the definitions and operationalizations of both democracy and conflict. This article revisits democratic peace theory, combining both institutional constraints and similarity-based arguments. Interactions between the democratic level of the dyad (the average democratic level of its members) and its democratic spread (difference between the democratic scores of its members) create a dyadic triangle that encompasses all possible combinations of cases, revisiting which dyads are more prone to conflict. The findings partially confirm and partially refute both the institutional constraints and the similarity-based arguments, leading to a nuanced alternative theory: the Interactive Model of Democratic Peace. Akin to democratic peace theory, our evidence shows that the higher a dyad’s level of democracy is, the lower the probability of fatal militarized interstate disputes between that pair of states. However, contrary to democratic peace theory, we find that dissimilar-regime dyads can still be peaceful as long as they have a high mean of democracy. Following the theory of regime similarity, we consider the democratic spread of each dyad, but we find that being similar is not a sufficient condition for peace between the members of a dyad. From the empirical evidence, the article derives three heuristic zones of conflict, filling much of the gray area that has been left unexplained by previous models.

Serrano-Moreno, J.E., Teilas, D. & Urdinez, F. (2021). “Deconstructing the Belt and Road Initiative in Latin America”. Asian Education and Development Studies.Vol. 10 (3), pp. 337-347. Scopus

https://doi.org/10.1108/AEDS-01-2020-0021

Abstract: The objective of this study is to address the diplomatic and economic implications of the participation of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) countries in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
The study examines official documents related to the BRI and LAC's signing of the Memorandum of Understanding within the framework of the BRI (MoUs) in order to look into what it means to join the BRI. Additionally, it also introduces the findings of articles in Asian Education and Development Studies' current issue published in 2020.

In LAC, the BRI does not represent a new policy, but rather the updating and rebranding of a pre-existing one. The BRI primarily consists of an official discursive framework which aims to build a coherent narrative for a wide range of different projects and policies geared toward the improvement of connectivity with China through the development of trade and investments. However, most of these projects were implemented prior to the BRI. Pragmatism lies at the core of this framework which neither has a regulated accession process nor any binding effects. As a result, the signing the MoU represents, foremost, a diplomatic mise-en-scène. The study operates under the belief that BRI membership is not dichotomous; rather, it must be observed in terms of the countries' level of participation. In line with this, the implementation of a generalized BRI policy in LAC countries would not be advisable. Moreover, it must be noted that the BRI's reach to Latin America can be rather problematic due to the fact that the latter was not initially a participant.

The study aims to explore the significance of the BRI beyond the official discourse and discuss the involvement of LAC countries in it. Scholars studying the BRI in other regions have noted that there is not enough information on this policy in the context of LAC.

Robertini, C. 2021. Il mondo del lavoro in Argentina durante la dittatura. Resistenza, smobilitazione e uso pubblico della storia. Passato e Presente Nº112, pp. 119-131. SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.3280/PASS2021-112008

Abstract: The world of work in Argentina during the dictatorship. Resistance, demobilisation and the public use of history. This survey analyses the debate around the history of Argentine workers during the last military dictatorship (1976-1983). The origins of Argentinian labour history are reconstructed by focussing on local historiography and its relations with international historiography, and works published from the 1980s to 2000 are discussed. The developments, themes and the methods of this labour history of the last !fteen years are surveyed in order to give a broad picture of the tendences and the debates which have shaped its current con!guration in Argentina.

Aranda, G.; Oyarzú, L. y Gissi, N. 2021. Migración internacional y política migratoria en Chile: tensiones entre la soberanía estatal y las ciudadanías emergentes. Colombia Internacional Nº106 | abr 01, 2021. SCOPUS, SciELO.

https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint106.2021.04

Abstract: Las migraciones internacionales abren el debate sobre ciudadanía, inclusión y derechos humanos, pero también sobre soberanía, seguridad nacional y selectividad. Chile no es ajeno a estas tensiones, desafíos y oportunidades. En este artículo, analizamos las narrativas sobre migración internacional y cómo esas ideas se expresan en los proyectos de ley de extranjería y migración en el país, abordando el periodo comprendido desde los años noventa hasta la actualidad. Metodología: recurrimos a una metodología cualitativa y un estudio de caso para examinar en profundidad los factores históricos y políticos. De igual forma, incluimos el análisis histórico para evidenciar las continuidades y cambios en la conceptualización de la migración internacional y en los proyectos de ley. Conclusiones: existe una lucha por definir los límites de lo nacional/internacional que impregna las discusiones sobre ciudadanía y migración internacional. Igualmente, compiten enfoques centrados en la seguridad nacional con enfoques centrados en derechos. Estimamos que luego del estallido social en Chile hay una nueva estructura de oportunidades políticas y sociales para discutir una ley de migración y una constitución que aborde los derechos de las personas migrantes, las normas de un debido proceso, y los mecanismos de participación social y política. Originalidad: este artículo discute sobre reconocimiento y representación de las ciudadanías emergentes, tema fundamental en las cada vez más numerosas sociedades multiculturales del siglo XXI. Asimismo, se incluye una perspectiva internacional y politológica, pocas veces utilizada en los estudios migratorios, particularmente en Chile.

Serrano-Moreno, J.E., Perez, A. & De Abreu, M. G. (2021). “Beyond copper: China and Chile relations”. Asian Education and Development Studies. Vol. 10 (3), pp. 359-373. Scopus.

https://doi.org/10.1108/AEDS-08-2019-0132

Abstract: This study aims to investigate the Chile–China diplomatic and economic relations in the light of the extension of the bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) and the Chile's accession to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2019.
This study takes Chile as a case of study to identify the main upcoming challenges and opportunities for relations between China and Latin American and the Caribbean (LAC) countries. The study examines news and official data on trade, investment and foreign policy.

The findings are twofold. First, the increasing and diversification of exports from Chile to China. Second, the participation of Chinese companies in public tendering procedures, which is increasing Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in the country. The growing volume of trade does not make Chile's economy more dependent on copper exports, and Chinese investment may help solve the structural deficit in infrastructures of the Andean country.

This study presents an overview of Chile as a partner for China and evaluates the relationship's impact on the development of the former. Recently collected data on bilateral trade and investments are analyzed to contribute to the emerging literature on Chinese and Chile relations.

Muñoz, F; Cáceres, J. & López, D. (2021). Are Free Trade Agreements an enough Condition to Diversify and Add Value to Exports? The Case of Chile and Korea. Journal Asia Pacific Economy. WoS - Scopus.

doi.org/10.1080/13547860.2021.1960614

Abstract: Chile and Korea subscribed a free trade agreement in 2003, which entered into force in 2004. One of the main objectives behind the agreement was to modify the concentration of the Chilean export basket, traditionally dominated by primary products, through preferential access to the country’s main export destinations. From here, this paper analyses the achievement of this objective through mixed-methods. Acknowledging that econometric models may not fully explain trade patterns, this article uses both quantitative data to understand the impact of the agreement on export flows, and qualitative information to complement these results. It concludes that Chile has not been capable of achieving the objective stated, due to constrains in the public and private sector.

Robertini, C.; Laufer, R. y Santella, A. 2020. Conflicto y desmovilizción en la Argentina del Cordobazo. Un análisis comparativo de FIAT Concord Córdoba y FIAT Palomar Buenos Aires, 1969-1972. Confluenze. Vol. 12, Nº1. SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.6092/issn.2036-0967/11344

Abstract: Este artículo analiza comparativamente las diferentes experiencias obreras desarrolladas en dos sindicatos de fábrica de la empresa Fiat en Argentina en el período posterior al Cordobazo (1969). Mientras en el SITRAC, de la planta de Concord en Córdoba, se vivió una fuerte conflictividad y una acción sindical confrontativa y radicalizada (el clasismo), en el SITRAFIC, de la planta de Palomar en Buenos Aires, la conflictividad fue limitada y se mantuvo el predominio de un sindicalismo negociador y conciliador (el vandorismo). A fin de explicar estas diferentes trayectorias, analizamos las experiencias sindicales de ambos contingentes obreros y la relaci.n entre ambos procesos.

Dockendorff, A. 2020. Why are some parliamentarians’ bills more likely to progress? Sponsorship as a signal. The British Journal of Politics and International Relations. WoS.

https://doi.org/10.1177/1369148120949978

Abstract: This article offers an empirical test of why some legislators’ bills are more likely to move forward in the legislative process. We argue that who signs the bill matters when it comes to the level of support that the proposal receives. Successful bills will be sponsored by a greater number of members (bandwagon factor) and political adversaries (support across the aisle factor). On the contrary, failed initiatives will be those sponsored by inexperienced parliamentarians (newcomers factor). We examine the case of Chile and test the expectations with legislative data on parliamentarians’ bills.

Boza, S.; Núñez, A.; Anigstein, M.S.; Miranda, J. & Murillo, K. 2020. “Implications of public purchases from family farming: reflections on the Chilean case”. AGER, Journal of Depopulation and Rural Development Studies. 29:1-26. 2020. WoS/SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.4422/ager.2020.05

Abstract: Government purchases of food from family farmers aim to provide a new market for smallscale farming while promoting food security for vulnerable populations. In Latin America there are various examples of these initiatives but with important differences in their implementation. Our objective is to review the effects on the farmers who sell into these programs, considering the case of Chile. There, since 2017, companies hired by the government to provide school meals are required to include a percentage of local products in their purchases. Information was collected through personal interviews with farmers and advisors from three agricultural organizations participating in government purchases in two different regions. The results show that in this case public purchases have the novelty of being a formal market for farmers, which is a very relevant experience for them. However, the conditions are neither stable nor always beneficial for farmers due to important asymmetries in negotiating power with purchasing companies. We conclude that the Chilean initiative has interesting potential impacts, but some major changes must be made to it, as greater involvement and will on the part of the parties.

Boza, S.; Muñoz, J.; Núñez, A. & Díaz-Lanchas, J. 2020. “Dinámica de las exportaciones frutícolas chilenas desde una perspectiva regional (2008-2018)”. Chilean Journal of Agriculture and Animal Sciences (Ex Agro-Ciencia). 36(1): 26-34. WoS, SCOPUS, SciELO.

http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/S0719-38902020005000103

Abstract: Las exportaciones de productos silvoagropecuarios, particularmente las exportaciones de fruta, son uno de los pilares de la economía chilena. En general, el estudio de este tipo de exportaciones en Chile se ha realizado desde una perspectiva nacional, a pesar de la gran diversidad de las condiciones agroclimáticas nacionales. El objetivo del presente artículo es caracterizar la evolución y dinámicas de las exportaciones frutícolas chilenas en la última década, pero desde una perspectiva regional. Para ello se utilizó información de fuentes oficiales, la cual se analizó mediante técnicas de estadística descriptiva y la construcción de diversos índices. Los resultados obtenidos muestran que las exportaciones de fruta se concentran en la zona central del país, donde las regiones tienen una mayor participación, así como también una importante oferta de productos frutícolas ofrecidos a diferentes mercados internacionales.

Bórquez, A. 2020. "Who are China’s strategic economic partners in South America?". Asian Education and Development Studies. SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.1108/AEDS-09-2019-0153

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to discuss the characteristics of China’s strategic partners in Latin America, emphasizing the foreign policy orientations of these nations towards China. The first part is a theoretical analysis of the foreign economic policy orientations of the Chinese strategic partners in South America. In the second part, attention is paid to the empirical regularities of economic cooperation between China and its South American strategic partners. China seeks to diversify the profile of its strategic partnerships, as long as they increase Chinas complexity in the orientation of cooperation, using a multidimensional approach, based on three strategic cooperation networks (partners based on ideological affinities, geo-economic partners and trade partners). This article increases the understanding of how new strategic partnerships take a more active position in the new great geo-economic game in which China is involved. China increases its facilitation role in Latin American Pacific rim countries, as well as its influence in countries historically close to the USA.

López, D.; Cáceres, J.; Muñoz, F. & Núñez, A. 2020. "Internationalization of Creative Industries: Chilean Design". The International Journal of Design in Society 14 (1): 1-22. SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.18848/2325-1328/CGP/v14i01/1-22

Abstract: Creative industries have become an important sector in country development due to their contribution to economic output as well as their cultural value. Given these characteristics, countries and international organizations have begun to consider the specific development needs of this kind of company, particularly their involvement in international trade. Chile has identified these industries as one sector that could potentially change its current dependence on the export of natural resources by giving its export basket a more value-added and knowledge-intensive weighting. For this purpose, the governmental trade promotion agency ProChile has supported the internationalization of small- and medium-sized enterprises linked to the design of Furniture, Objects and Illumination (FOI). This article analyzes the current state of Chilean FOI enterprises and their internationalization capabilities using a qualitative methodology. This assessment was based on a two-step approach, including an online survey to establish the characteristics of these companies, and face-to-face semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted with key stakeholders from the private, public, and academic sectors. We conclude that, despite the existence of government support, the absence of management skills and production capacities to achieve international markets remain the main constraints on successful FOI export development.

López, D. & Muñoz, F. 2020. "China´s trade policy towards Latin America: An analysis of Free Trade Agreements Policy". Asian Education and Development Studies. Vol. ahead-of-print No. ahead-of-print. – SCOPUS - WoS (ESCI)

https://doi.org/10.1108/AEDS-08-2019-0133

Abstract: Purpose: The emergence of China in the international trading system has shifted its gravity center, as the country has become one of the mayor actors in international economic relations. Through the subscription of preferential agreements, China is building a network of strategic partnerships worldwide, including Latin America. The purpose of this paper is to answer the questions: Do free trade agreements (FTAs) between China and Latin American countries contribute to expand trade flows and enhance products diversification?Design/methodology/approach: Three countries have an FTA with China, Chile (2005), Peru (2009) and Costa Rica (2010). Through an econometric estimation based on a gravity model, the authors expect to determine the impact of these agreements over both trade flows and products. Findings: The study shows that FTAs have a positive impact on both bilateral trade flows and on the number of exchanged products. Nevertheless, this impact is positive but diminishes in time. The authors confirm that these agreements allowed for a substantive expansion of trade between Latin American economies and China, becoming relevant for policymakers regarding the bi-regional relation. Originality/value: The study contributes to the understanding of the bilateral trade relations between China and Latin American countries, giving evidence of the magnitude of the impact of FTAs. Through new data, at a six-digit level of detail, this study improves current knowledge regarding bilateral economic relations.

López, D. & Muñoz, F. 2020. "Trade Finance Constrains as a Barrier for Chilean Services". Tec Empresarial. WoS (ESCI) - SciELO.

Abstract: The growing importance of trade in services in the international economy motivates the study of different factors that may influence the development of this sector. This paper seeks to contribute to the scarce research on access to financing for the internationalization of services. Through a survey, we analyze the perception of Chilean service exporters about access to financing instruments for trade and whether these constitutes an obstacle in their internationalization process. For companies that participated in the study, access to trade financing is not a barrier for exports. However, these results vary according to firms’ characteristics.

López, D.; Muñoz, F. & Ahumada J.M. 2020. "State neutrality, business elite and the lack of export services development in Chile: an exploratory qualitative analysis". Organizations and Markets in Emerging Economies. Vol. 11, no. 1(21), pp. 152–172 WoS (ESCI) - SCOPUS

https://doi.org/10.15388/omee.2020.11.20

Abstract: Most of the literature that explored the relationship between financial development and economic growth taking into consideration the roles played by institutional quality in the ECOWAS region still debates on the roles of institutional quality on economic growth. This study used data from 1996-2017 for 15 emerging economies within the ECOWAS by applying two-step SYS GMM (SGMM) estimators. The following conclusions were developed: first, the study discovered that financial development has no significant and positive impact on economic growth in the ECOWAS region. Secondly, regulatory quality and control of corruption, which are considered as institutional quality variables, have opposing results with control of corruption reducing growth as well as regulatory quality variable increasing growth. Again, the results indicate that capital formation has a positive association with growth and labor force influencing growth negatively. Finally, due to a lack of proper corruption control systems in the region and poor financial sector development, growth cannot improve.

Aranda, G. y Bórquez, A. 2020. "La cuestión venezolana y la fractura del regionalismo latinoamericano". Revista Historia 396 Vol.10 Nº1. SCOPUS.

http://www.historia396.cl/index.php/historia396/issue/view/25

Abstract: La situación política y económica de Venezuela durante el gobierno de Nicolás Maduro ha suscitado una serie de respuestas diplomáticas por parte de Estados de todo el planeta y, particularmente, de parte de los gobiernos del continente americano. En un contexto en que la seguridad humana de la población se ve amenazada por la incertidumbre y las carencias materiales, la migración venezolana hacia países como Colombia, Perú, Ecuador y Chile ha aumentado a una escala inusitada para la región, propiciando una mayor internacionalización de la crisis a la vez que los gobiernos comienzan a tratar la crisis como un tema interméstico. Las respuestas institucionales de los países de la región se han canalizado, en un primer momento, a través de la Organización de Estados Americanos y posteriormente a través del denominado Grupo de Lima, existiendo también sanciones unilaterales. Con el giro político de los gobiernos de la región y la persistencia de los problemas internos de Venezuela -y sus consecuencias externas-, las declaraciones de condena al gobierno venezolano han sido progresivamente más categóricas, sin embargo, las propuestas son divergentes, desde acoger el diálogo entre gobierno y oposición y poner el énfasis en la seguridad humana de la población afectada, hasta hacer llamados directos a la intervención militar en el país caribeño.

Aranda, G., Escribano, R. y Riquelme, J. 2020. "Hispanidad e Hispanósfera: Raíces y actualizaciones de post Guerra Fría". Revista Izquierdas Nº49. WoS-SCOPUS

http://izquierdas.cl/ediciones/2020/numero-49

Abstract: La hispanidad se constituyó en un principio político durante buena parte del siglo XX español. Desde el cuño liberal conservador que proponía el ejercicio dialógico horizontal entre países que usaban la misma lengua para comunicarse, hasta el nacionalcatolicismo franquista, interesado de romper el cerco del aislacionismo internacional, el concepto hispanista ha seguido un sinuoso camino entre pragmatismo y voluntarismo. Este artículo propone que la Cumbre Iberoamericana, creada en 1991, y las propuestas de VOX para revisitar el concepto, y sus medidas migratorias, así como el término “hispanósfera”, constituyen capítulos del citado derrotero.

Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2020). “Autonomía administrativa sin autonomía política. La aplicación del modelo “un país dos sistemas” en Hong Kong”. Brazilian Journal of International Law, 17(2), 186-196. SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.5102/rdi.v17i2.6638

Abstract: Este estudio analiza la aplicación del modelo “un país dos sistemas” en Hong Kong surgido en las negociones sino-británicas para la devolución del territorio a China a la luz de la jurisprudencia constitucional y los conflictos políticos. La Región Administrativa Especial de la Hong Kong posee una alta autonomía administrativa y cuenta con un sistema político propio basado en el Estado de derecho, elecciones, protección de los derechos fundamentales etc. Sin embargo, la democratización de las instituciones ha sido limitada por el gobierno central que ha obstaculizado la prometida extensión del sufragio universal y más recientemente ha instaurado un filtro ideológico a los candidatos a elecciones en Hong Kong. Este estudio sostiene que la autonomía administrativa de la región no está acompañada por una autonomía política efectiva, situación que favorece el rechazo a una mayor integración de Hong Kong en China continental. El modelo de “un país dos sistemas” pensado en su origen como una democracia limitada ha pasado ha convertirse en un régimen autoritario liberal.

Figallo, B. y Henríquez, M.J. 2020. “De lo internacional a lo transnacional: renovación y complejidad en la Historia de las Relaciones Internacionales”, Estudos Ibero-Americanos, Porto Alegre, v. 46, n. 1, p. 1-17, jan.-abr. WoS-SCOPUS.

http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1980-864X.2020.1.32618

Abstract: El artículo reflexiona sobre la tensión que se vislumbra entre la Historia de las Relaciones Internacionales y las perspectivas transnacionales y globales; un proceso de construcción de conocimiento que viene renovando, cuestionando y complejizando la manera de hacer Historia Internacional, especialmente en el espacio iberoamericano. Se considera que los enfoques y niveles de análisis de las interrelaciones históricas se solapan en un campo disciplinario cuyos límites se han desdibujado, estimando que esta realidad historiográfica se vincula con la problematización del Estado como actor y motor de iniciativas, con el abandono de nacionalismos epistemológicos y con el contexto tanto del sujeto como del objeto de estudio.

Stippel, J. & Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2020). “The Coca Diplomacy as the end of the War on Drugs. The impact of international cooperation on the crime policy of the Plurinational State of Bolivia”. Crime, Law and Social Change, 74(4), 361-380. Wos y SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-020-09891-5

Abstract: This study analyses the way social problems evolve, and could be overcome by policy decisions, taking Bolivia as a case study. The international cooperation that began with the Single Convention of 1961 opened the door to the militarization of Bolivian crime policy, inspired by the “war on drugs” US paradigm. Foreign intervention weakened Bolivian institutions, creating an opportunity for social movements in defence of the coca leaf in rural areas. Policy change started in 2006 after Evo Morales’ election as President. A new policy paradigm was adopted and the “coca diplomacy” was deployed allowing the government to avoid the repressive foundation of international law and, at the same time, to nourish a new national narrative. The latest step on the “nationalisation” of crime policy was the criminal law adopted at the end of 2017 and abrogated a month later showing the limits of the impact of the “coca sí, cocaína no” paradigm.

Cáceres, J. & Muñoz, F. (2020). Artificial Intelligence, A new frontier for intellectual property policymaking. NTUT Intellectual Property Law and Management. 9(2) pp. 108-131. Scopus

Abstract: The emergence, growth and sophistication of artificial intelligence (AI) and computer-generated works (CGW), have opened the discussion towards the property and accountability of creations made by machines. These creations, founded on algorithms and learning-processes based on large data analysis may become instrumental, or even independent, in the creative processes. The ownership of these creations comprises a challenge for intellectual property (IP) regulations as, traditionally, the concept of author has been associated to human inventions. This paper attempts to analyse the state-of-the-art and expand the literature regarding AI’s copyright protection. For this purpose, through an extensive literature review, we identify the main concepts regarding AI’s copyright protection in order to establish an analytic framework to study current regulations at an international and domestic level. This allows us to set the parameters to compare if, and how, these key concepts have been incorporated or interpreted in policymaking. The absence of an international consensus regarding the authorship concept -leaving it to domestic interpretation- may lead to contradictory norms causing uncertainty in terms of their protection. We propose the recognition of Artificial Intelligence Generated Works (AIGW) as a new conceptual category, and its protection through a new sui generis legislation.

López, M.A.; Mella Polanco, M.; Valenzuela, P. y Berríos, C. (2019). "Cambios programáticos y estratégicos de la derecha en Chile (1989-2013)". Colombia Internacional, No 100. Pp: 91-120. SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.7440/colombiaint100.2019.05

Abstract: El artículo busca comprender la trayectoria programática y estratégica que la derecha chilena ha experimentado en el periodo 1989-2013. Considerando la cercanía que tuvo con el régimen de Pinochet a principios del periodo estudiado y la competitividad electoral que ha ganado en los lustros más recientes, ¿es posible asociar al cambio de propuestas programáticas el mejor desempeño electoral del sector? Metodología: La investigación utiliza los datos del proyecto MARPOR para América Latina, a fin de medir el posicionamiento en cada elección. Incorporamos también un análisis narrativo-histórico de la derecha chilena buscando explorar los cambios estratégicos que se han producido frente al cambio programático. Conclusiones: Los resultados muestran que la derecha chilena ha transitado desde propuestas programáticas profundamente conservadoras y vinculadas con las políticas que se implementaron durante la dictadura de Pinochet, a propuestas más cercanas a la agenda progresista. Esto se ha producido sobre todo en asuntos vinculados a protección social (Estado de bienestar), educación y, en parte, en lo relacionado con temas morales. El éxito electoral de la derecha en elecciones recientes podría asociarse, al menos en parte, a este cambio de agenda de políticas públicas. Originalidad: En América Latina usualmente se ha estudiado con gran profundidad a la izquierda: sus propuestas, estructuras organizacionales y, en general, estrategias políticas. Los cambios en la derecha han sido poco analizados por la ciencia política. Este artículo intenta hacer una contribución en ese ámbito enfocándose en los cambios de la derecha en Chile. Esto resulta relevante para la disciplina si se tiene en cuenta el contexto actual de la región, donde se ha consolidado una nueva ola de gobiernos derechistas, y, en particular para el caso chileno, busca contribuir a entender los cambios experimentados por el sistema político chileno en los últimos treinta años de democracia después de la dictadura.

Bórquez, A. 2019. Iniciativas Estratégicas No-Tradicionales en las relaciones chino-chilenas: ¿un caso de poder blando de China en América del Sur? Estudios Internacionales. SCIELO.

http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-3769.2019.55677

Abstract: El 2016, Chile fue la sexta nación de América del Sur en elevar sus lazos bilaterales con China al estatus de socio estratégico integral (los otros cinco países son Brasil, Argentina, Venezuela, Perú y Ecuador). Para el caso de China, estas asociaciones conllevan el desarrollo de Iniciativas Estratégicas no Tradicionales (IENs), las cuales van más allá de los parámetros habituales de cooperación en seguridad material y militar. Las IENs surgen como formas de cooperación estratégica basadas en la creación de centros regionales que buscan resolver problemas comunes, incorporando tecnología sofisticada y lógicas de complementariedad estratégica. Las IENs representan el nuevo marco de poder blando que China intenta establecer en América del Sur, basado en un rol facilitador. En este contexto, Chile ha sido uno de los países que ha acogido la mayor cantidad de IENs en la región, encontrándose entre las principales el Centro de Astronomía de América del Sur, la plataforma regional de la moneda china y el Centro Regional de Institutos Confucio para América Latina. Este artículo explora las dinámicas detrás de estas iniciativas a través del estudio de caso de las recientes relaciones entre China y Chile.

Guoyou, S.; Bórquez, A. & Wüst, F. (2019). China’s Bilateral Free Trade Agreements: building a complex cooperation with pragmatic countries of the Latin American Pacific Rim. UNISCI Discussion Papers, 50(2). (SCOPUS/ESCI WOS).

http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/UNISCI-47

Abstract: This study distances itself from the approach that argues that China only exerts influence in Latin American through loans, aid and investment, since China has also established alignments that include sophisticated economic hubs. China has developed initiatives that this article calls "non-traditional economic influences" which have been established initially with pragmatic countries located in the Pacific Rim with which China has signed Free Trade Agreements (Chile, Peru and Costa Rica). In order to examine this empirical regularity, the article applies a Fuzzy-set Analysis exploring which factors are necessary and sufficient conditions for a Latin American country to sign an FTA with China. The results suggest that recognition of China as a market economy, a complementary economy with a low level of industrial competition, and a country with a high standard of regulations are conditions for signing an FTA

Bórquez, A. 2019. El Banco Asiático de Inversión en Infraestructura apuntando al camino del medio: uniéndose a las filas de los Bancos Multilaterales de Desarrollo, pero con características chinas. Estudos Internacionais, 7(3) (SCOPUS).

https://doi.org/10.5752/P.2317-773X.2019v7n3p103-120

Abstract: En junio del 2016 fue aprobado el primer proyecto del Banco Asiático de Inversión en Infraestructura y una de las preocupaciones de los expertos es que esta nueva institución puede ser flexible con respecto a las condiciones de los préstamos y salvaguardas, argumentando que los creadores de este banco carecen de experiencia suficiente para mantener altos estándares establecidos por los otros bancos multilaterales. En contraste, otros especialistas destacan que la participación de China en el financiamiento a nivel internacional no es nada nuevo. Durante la última década, China ha permitido que los bancos de desarrollo estatales otorguen créditos no concesionales. Este artículo analiza ambos enfoques y los contrasta con un análisis comparativo del diseño de los bancos de desarrollo regionales y el nuevo banco multilateral liderado por China. Además, analiza la orientación de las políticas de crédito y salvaguardas de los 21 primeros proyectos aprobados por AIIB hasta el 2017. El nuevo banco esta apuntando al camino del medio: por un lado, uniéndose a las filas de los principales bancos multilaterales, pero al mismo tiempo, tratando de ser una institución con una visión sur a sur: ágil, respetando las políticas internas de cada país y enfocada en el nicho de los proyectos de infraestructura.

Henríquez, M.J. 2019. "El antifranquismo y la vía chilena al socialismo, 1970-1973". Ayer, Nº 116, pp. 243-275. WoS-SCOPUS.

Abstract: El artículo aborda la manera en que las principales publicaciones antifranquistas cubrieron el Gobierno de Salvador Allende desde su elección como primer presidente "marxista" de Chile hasta el golpe de Estado en 1973. Se plantea que los medios españoles analizaron el proceso a la luz de la propia historia, como promesa de futuro en un comienzo y, progresivamente, como presencia del pasado en la medida en que la situación en Chile empeoraba. Así, se destacaron las grandes semejanzas y las relevantes diferencias, buscando reforzar los argumentos relativos al juego político interno. Más tarde, el quiebre democrático chileno impactó profundamente y dividió aguas de cara a la transición.

Bórquez, A. 2019. "Exploring the nontraditional foreign investment in Sino–Latin American relations: The Chilean case". Competition and Regulation in Network Industries Journal (Inglaterra). SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.1177/1783591719877592

Abstract: At the end of 2016, China and Chile increased their bilateral ties to a comprehensive strategic partnership increasingly involving the development of traditional and nontraditional foreign investments. The former is measured under the usual parameters of economic cooperation that includes horizontal and vertical investments. However, during the last decades, new forms of cooperation have emerged based on the creation of a HUB that responds to complex strategies in specific contexts, which implies the willingness of nations to establish sophisticated links in which both countries use their competitive resources in search of a common benefit. Although there is no absolute limit between traditional and nontraditional foreign direct investments, since they are not mutually exclusive, the latter have become fundamental elements in the establishment of Chinese multidimensional relations and are part of the new path of cooperation in the Latin America region. In this context, Chile is one of the countries that has hosted the largest number of hub platforms led by China in South America, which include the Southern Optical Fiber Project, the China-Chile Joint Astronomical Data Center, and the China-South America Transpacific cable. This article explores the dynamics of these initiatives through the case study of China–Chile relations.

Cáceres, J. 2019. Intellectual property rights as branding services for exports value-adding: an analysis of Chile’s ‘Sello de Origen’ programme. International Journal of Intellectual Property Management, Vol. 9, Nos. 3/4, pp.315–341. SCOPUS

https://doi.org/10.1504/IJIPM.2019.103044.

Abstract: Intellectual property rights (IPRs) such as geographical indications (GIs), appellations of origin (AO), collective and certifications marks are intangible assets used as branding services to add value to products with unique characteristics derived from their geographical origin. Sello de Origen programme is a public certification trademark created in 2012 to preserve and stimulate the reputation and quality of traditional occupations and singular products in Chile using the IPRs mentioned. This research analysed the perceived impact of this programme as a branding service to add value to seven traditional products, through semi-structured interviews to key stakeholders from both private and public sectors. The programme has not achieved the expected benefits as small-scale producers do not know how to properly implement the seal, they are not working collaboratively. Therefore more coordination among public institutions is needed.

Carreño, E. 2019. "Más allá del no reconocimiento: Francia y Biafra (1967-1970)", Ayer, Nº 115, pp. 219-249. WoS-SCOPUS.

Abstract: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar la relación entre Francia y la República de Biafra durante la guerra civil de Nigeria, en particular los intereses estratégicos de Charles de Gaulle en África Occidental. Éste se negó a entregar el reconocimiento al régimen de Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, sin embargo, proporcionó ayuda diplomática y militar a los igbos independentistas a través de sus principales aliados en la región: Costa de Marfil y Gabón.

Segovia, C. & Gamboa, R. 2019. "Neopluralismo 'a la chilena'. Grupos de interés en el proceso legislativo". Revista de Ciencia Política 39 (1), 25-47. WoS.

http://www.revistacienciapolitica.cl/index.php/rcp/issue/view/81/showToc

Abstract: Este trabajo examina el sistema de representación de intereses en Chile a través del análisis de la participación de los grupos de interés en el proceso legislativo entre 2006 y 2014. Sostenemos que este puede calificarse como un caso de “neopluralis- mo a medias” o un “neopluralismo a la chilena”. Esto, primero, porque si bien se observa participación de distintos tipos de grupo a nivel general, hay a la vez un desequilibrio a favor de los grupos empresariales. Segundo, porque la magnitud de la participación según proyectos de ley es en general muy baja, aun cuando es ma- yor en materias económicas. Esto indica un bajo nivel de competencia entre grupos. Tercero, la participación de los grupos es altamente especializada y en un contexto donde la gran mayoría de grupos participaron solo una vez en el período analizado.

Dockendorff, A. 2019. "Who is ready to climb the hill? The effect of legislative activity on promotion to higher offices in Chile". The Journal of Legislative Studies. SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2019.1603196

Abstract: Previous research suggests that bill initiation is a mechanism used by legislators to foster personal votes. This article puts forward a theory whereby legislative activity is understood as a form of party service. Bill initiation records are used by parties to inform their decisions on who is ready to be promoted. The theory is evaluated using an original data-set from the Chilean Chamber of Deputies. Our empirical findings make a strong case for the hypothesis according to which parties reward those deputies who have shown to be effective legislators.

Dockendorff, A. 2019. When do Legislators Respond to their Constituencies in Party Controlled Assemblies? Evidence from Chile, Parliamentary Affairs. WoS ISI

https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz002

Abstract: Previous research suggests that legislators respond to their constituencies when they are vulnerable electoral candidates. This article argues that the legislators that focus on their constituencies (perhaps at the expense of the broader national constituency) will be born and raised in the region where their district is located (biographical factors), junior members of the assembly (intraparty position), and from thinly populated districts (district density). I analyse new data from the Chilean Chamber of Deputies that supports these theoretical expectations. These findings have implications for our understanding of political representation and when legislators represent their districts.

Boza, S. 2018. “Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures in the context of the CPTPP Agreement”. Bio-based and Applied Economics. Vol. 7(1): 87-98. SCOPUS.

http://dx.doi.org/10.13128/BAE-24049

Abstract: The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Part nership (CPTPP) is a notorious example of the proliferation of so-called mega trade agreements. The countries constituting its signatory parties include five hundred million inhabitants and almost fifteen percent of the global Gross Domestic Product. The objective of this paper is to analyze the role of sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) provisions within the CPTPP regarding international food trade. Three sections are presented: (i) food production, imports and exports among CPTPP countries, (ii) the content of the SPS CPTPP chapter regarding the text of the WTO-SPS Agreement and (iii) concluding remarks. It stands out among the results that there are significant differences in agricultural production capabilities between CPTPP parties, which should be addressed in order to achieve the desired integration.

Stippel, J. & Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2018). “Explanations for the punitive turn of crime policy in Bolivia (2006-2016)”. International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, 7(4), 33-50. SCOPUS

https://doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v7i4.1075

Abstract: In the last decade, Bolivia, as with most countries in the region, has seen an unprecedented increase of its prison population. This is often explained as the consequence of a punitive populism sweeping Latin America. Our article investigates what triggered this punitive turn in Bolivia by identifying some of the factors that impact crime policy and growing prison populations since the election of president Evo Morales in 2006. We argue that a complex array of local and international factors and shifts in crime policy to harden approaches to domestic violence led to steep increases in remand populations. Combined with other inefficiencies in the criminal justice system, this led to sustained increases in the prison population throughout most of this period. This study is based on new and previously unstudied statistical data produced by the Bolivian institutions in charge of implementing crime policy.

Boza, S.*, Cortés M., Muñoz, T., Rico, M. & Muñoz, J. 2018. “Development programs for female farmers: identifying clusters for the case of Chile's "Education and training program for rural women". Revista de la Facultad de Ciencias Agrarias – UN Cuyo. Vol. 50(1): 141-155. WoS.

http://revista.fca.uncu.edu.ar/images/stories/pdfs/2018-01/Cp_10_Boza.pdf

Abstract: This article aims to contribute to the evaluation of development policies for female farmers based on their beneficiaries’ attitudes. For this, it was conducted a survey in the Metropolitan Region of Santiago, Chile, to a representative sample of participants in the “Education and Training Program for Rural Women” of the Chilean National Institute for Agricultural Development. The questionnaire applied was divided into the following sections: i) personal characteristics of the farmers and their family unit; ii) technical, productive and commercial features; iii) farm and household income; and iv) vision of themselves and program-related attitudes. The data collected was processed by descriptive and multivariate techniques such as principal components and cluster analysis. The results show a positive assessment of the program on an aggregate level, although there are significant dissimilarities within the sample, allowing three clusters to be identified: “reticent participants” (42.3%), “associative participants” (20.5%) and “empowered participants” (37.2%). The farmers on those clusters present differences not only in their attitudes towards the program but also in their education level, income, farm profitability and balance between productive and domestic roles. We conclude that individual characteristics and circumstances impact beneficiaries’ perception of the programs, which should be considered in their design and implementation.

Gamboa, R.* & Toro, S. 2018. "The electoral connection in presidential systems: non-legislative actions inside the Chilean Congress". The Journal of Legislative Studies 24 (3), 249-271. SCOPUS.

https://doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2018.1516602

Abstract: The purpose of this article is to explore how the features of districts affect representation activities in the Chilean Congress. Based on an analysis of interventions by deputies in the so-called Incidents Hour (Hora de Incidentes), we argue that district conditions affect the kind of appeals that deputies make. Specifically, we test two main hypotheses: a) that the degree of rurality of districts predicts greater use of policy intervention at the local level (local credit claiming), and b) that distance from the centre is an incentive for deputies to taking a position on local issues (local position taking). This article contributes to an understanding of how institutional spaces in the Congress serve not only as instruments for legislation but also, and with equal relevance, for representing constituents at the district level.

Stippel, J. & Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2018). “La nacionalización de la lucha contra el narcotráfico en Bolivia”. Política Criminal, 13(25), 264-321. SCOPUS.

http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/S0718-33992018000100264

Abstract: El estudio de las políticas en materia de control de drogas en Bolivia es un objeto de vital relevancia para entender la evolución política del país desde la vuelta de la democracia en 1982. La Ley 1008 de 1988 reforzó la militarización de la política criminal inspirado en la doctrina de la seguridad nacional y la amalgama entre cultivo, consumo y narcotráfico impuestos por las Convenciones de la ONU para el control de drogas. Los conflictos sociales y políticos que siguieron en defensa del cultivo de coca favorecieron la movilización de organizaciones campesinas que terminaron por llevar al poder al MAS en 2006. Este artículo analiza la construcción de una política anti-narcotráfico militarizada e impuesta desde el exterior y su posterior desmantelamiento en nombre de la soberanía nacional y la prevención del consumo a partir del análisis del derecho positivo, datos estadísticos, informes y prensa.

García, C.; López, D. y Muñoz, F. 2018. "Trade in services and development: policy perception in Chile". TEC Empresarial 12 (2), 33-44. SciELO.

http://revistas.tec.ac.cr/index.php/tec_empresarial/article/view/3719

Abstract: Trade in services and its positive relation with countries’ development has been pointed out by different Chilean governments to improve services exports in order to reach diversification in its basket and add value to exports. Since the first decade of the 2000, the State has implemented a series of programs and strategies directed to achieve this objective. However, the matrix remains anchored in natural resources, particularly copper. Although trade in services has increased, it has not done so as expected. For this work several experts from the public, private and academic sector, civil society and NGOs were interviewed to collect their perception on policies that promoted services exports, implemented in the period 1990-2014. For a better understanding of the results, three overlapping levels are distinguished in a logical hierarchy from greater to lesser extent: Level I: Considerations on economic doctrines and corporate cultures. Level II: Considerations on the specificity of service industry and economic considerations. Level III: Considerations on specific policies and instruments. Some conclusions and recommendations are presented at the end.

Aranda, G. 2018. "Nociones de seguridad y control en el Plan Frontera Norte: Una expresión de Teichopolítica", Revista de Relaciones Internacionales, Estrategia y Seguridad 13 (1), 67-92. SciELO.

Abstract: La teichopolítica es una expresión actual de la globalización segmentada, la cual no solo plantea la erección de muros. En el caso de Chile, se manifestó dicha política en los años 70 por medio del minado de zonas fronterizas como mecanismos preventivos a una invasión extranjera y hoy, a través del Plan Frontera Norte. Mediante este mecanismo securitario el Estado garantiza la continuidad de los flujos comerciales consonantes con la política económica de apertura de mercado, aunque bajo una mayor supervisión que a la vez permita controlar el flujo de personas y, con especial atención, contener el tráfico ilegal de mercancías y narcóticos. El Estado también expresa consecuencias culturales hacia la otredad que deben ser tenidas en cuenta. Este artículo tiene por objetivo revisar la implementación de dicho plan como expresión de teichopolítica; para ello se hace una revisión de conceptos y términos desde una perspectiva constructivista. Asimismo, indaga en algunos aspectos del contenido de política pública que involucra. Se concluye que la evaluación del programa da cuenta más de la inversión concretada que del impacto que ha tenido en las estadísticas de decomisos de drogas y procedimientos policiales asociados al tráfico de drogas ilícitas. Lo anterior también se refleja en los informes y el análisis del Ministerio del Interior que solo consigna el nivel de inversión en equipamiento y dotación policial.

Aranda, G. 2018. "Bolivia – Chile: integración con contenidos dispares". Revista CUHSO (en prensa). DOI 10.7770/cuhso-V28 N2- art1442. SciELO.

Abstract: Este trabajo aborda las ideas y valores que subyacen a las políticas exteriores de Chile y Bolivia. Profundiza en los roles que le asignan a la integración y cooperación regionales, a partir de las preferencias y visiones de mundo que exponen los gobiernos de Evo Morales, Michel Bachelet y Sebastián Piñera entre 2006 y 2012. Para explorar estas tendencias, analizamos una serie de discursos presidenciales expuestos en distintas instancias internacionales y domésticas. Partimos de la premisa que señala que la participación de ambos países en distintos procesos de integración y concertación regionales, desde una práctica que involucra a varios países ubicados en el continente, deja en evidencia que no coinciden en sus énfasis, sobre todo en las materias referidas a los desafíos internacionales actuales en torno al comercio y cooperación internacionales, y en sus perspectivas del desarrollo en un contexto de crisis del modelo neoliberal. Concluimos que este fenómeno actual trae como consecuencia el surgimiento de un modelo de integración con contenidos dispares en el continente, es decir, en el que prevalecen roles distintos, de crucial importancia, respecto a sus posiciones y estrategias de inserción internacional, repercutiendo en las acciones y respuestas hacia el escenario internacional.

B.- Publicaciones en otras Revistas

Cordonier-Segger, MC., & Cáceres, J., (In Press). Sustainable Development and Climate Change Mitigation in International Trade and Investment Law: Lessons Learned from EU-Chile, EU-Mercosur, EU-Kenya and the Draft Agreement on Climate Change, Trade and Sustainability (ACCTS) 15(1) Trade, Law and Development.

Abstract: Linkages between international economic law and sustainable development have been debated extensively, and the question remains open whether trade and investment agreements can, through careful crafting and compliance, foster or frustrate efforts to integrate economic progress with social and environmental protections, promoting more sustainable development over time. At a midpoint in the Sustainable Development Agenda, considering a pressing global climate emergency and the need to undertake and achieve progressively more ambitious commitments under the Paris Agreement, it is important to consider how trade and investment agreements can promote global efforts to respond to climate change and other sustainability challenges worldwide. This article explores how regional economic accords may foster or frustrate climate action. For this purpose, the authors review how trade treaties can invoke important tensions affecting sustainable development, particularly material and normative risks, laying out the types of sustainable development provisions that may be found in international trade and investment treaties, including those related to the purpose or object of the agreement, the inclusion of exceptions or conflicts clauses to prevent trade and investment rules from undermining climate change and sustainable development efforts, provisions to promote dialogue and cooperation on climate action and sustainable development, and efforts to enhance trade and investment in more sustainable, low greenhouse gas emissions and climate resilience goods and services, and whether the agreements present process innovations. By briefly analysing recent agreements negotiated by the European Union with Chile, the Mercosur and Kenya, such provisions and process innovations are illustrated. The authors also consider negotiations undertaken in the context of the Agreement on Climate Change, Trade and Sustainability (ACCTS) as a new benchmark for economic accords which seek to promote climate and sustainability objectives. From the comparison of these agreements, some conclusions are drawn concerning the future of trade, investment and sustainability agendas, and future legal research needs.

Rojas-de-Galarreta, F. (2023). O conceito de Patriotismo Constitucional em Jürgen Habermas: uma análise crítica. Revista da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, 51(1), 3-16. LATINDEX.

https://seer.ufu.br/index.php/revistafadir/article/view/70322

Abstract: O objetivo deste artigo é realizar uma análise crítica da noção de patriotismo constitucional como base para a constituição de identidades pós- nacionais em Jürgen Habermas. Em particular, propõe-se uma análise da proposta de Habermas, dando especial atenção a dois possíveis eixos críticos: a dificuldade imposta pelos limites da capacidade de carga das formas de solidariedade existentes (HABERMAS, 2006, p. 172) e a dificuldade de gerar laços de lealdade. Assim, surge a seguinte pergunta: o patriotismo constitucional é capaz de gerar vínculos de lealdade e solidariedade suficientes para a integração social?

Henríquez, M.J. & Figallo, B. 2023. "Salvador Allende and Argentine Military Rule: Domestic Politics, Geopolitical Factors and Transnational Dimensions, 1970–3". 22 march 2023, pp. 1-25.Journal of Latin American Studies (Cambridge University Press).

https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022216X23000263

Abstract: The 1970 election of Salvador Allende as president of Chile gained international attention, as a declared Marxist came to power through elections, offering an alternative to Castro's Cuba. In Argentina, governed by a right-wing dictatorship, the initial fear was transformed into a policy of rapprochement. In the midst of the Cold War, the historical Argentine–Brazilian rivalry was stronger than both military regimes' anti-communism. General Alejandro Lanusse decided to support Allende's Chile to balance Brazil's influence, but also as a way to control the domestic repercussions of Allende's victory, especially the rise of revolutionary slogans and the circulation of guerrillas. This article traces the network of national, international and transnational factors that influenced a surprising bilateral relationship.

Cáceres, J., (2022). APEC y la inserción económica de Chile en el Asia Pacífico. Revista Diplomacia “Diplomacia y Política Exterior Económica de Chile”. (147).

https://academiadiplomatica.cl/wp-content/uploads/2023/05/Revista-Diplomacia-N%C2%B0-147.-ok.pdf

Osorio, S. & Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2021). “La política del 10%: respuesta de la élite política chilena en tiempos de pandemia”. Revista Temas Sociológicos, 28, 143-175. LATINDEX.

https://doi.org/10.29344/07196458.28.2780

Abstract: El artículo sitúa la reflexión en el caso chileno y analiza las respuestas institucionales en el contexto de la pandemia. No se trata de un tratado exhaustivo de las medidas implementadas. En su lugar, recurre al análisis sociológico del discurso como herramienta metodológica para profundizar en torno a un hito simbólico y develar cuáles fueron las interacciones, contradicciones y representaciones de la élite política alrededor de ciertos segmentos de la sociedad y, al mismo tiempo, rescatar cómo el juego emocional influyó en el resultado que permitió el retiro de fondos previsionales de jubilación a partir de una reforma constitucional sin precedente. Se concluye que la pandemia transparentó la necesidad de modernizar los sistemas de información para la toma de decisiones de política pública, develó la falta de sincronización del aparato institucional y posicionó a las clases medias en el debate político como actores centrales de las desigualdades institucionales. Finalmente, se sugiere que las emociones no solo impulsaron políticas tendientes al cambio, sino que fueron un argumento reiterado por la élite política chilena para diferenciarse en un contexto de crisis y terminaron por ratificar el retorno de nociones como "pueblo" o "democracia".

Aranda, G. & Piña, E. 2021. "Alianza del Pacífico: regionalidad en los «límites» del aperturismo". Cuadernos sobre Relaciones Internacionales, Regionalismo y Desarrollo. Vol. 6, Nº30. LATINDEX

http://www.saber.ula.ve/handle/123456789/47639

Abstract: Hace 10 años la Alianza del Pacífico irrumpió como bloque económico proliberal, con una arquitectura institucional reducida y sobretodo como contrapeso a principios y reglas más proteccionistas de otros grupos. Por medio de la estrategia del regionalismo abierto, pretendió coordinar a cuatro Estados (Colombia, Chile, México y Perú) para acceder en modalidad cooperativa a las economías de la Cuenca del Pacífico, particularmente el Asia. Basado en una identidad por convergencia de esquemas de desarrollo y agregando elementos sectoriales con las Empresas y la Academia, la Alianza del Pacífico exhibió una regionalidad de baja interdependencia comercial interna y de liderazgo desdibujado. El actual arco de crisis: migración venezolana, movimientismo social con impugnación del modelo de desarrollo proliberal y la llegada de la pandemia Covid-19, constituyen la mayor prueba para el bloque del Pacífico latinoamericano.

Altman, D., Rojas-de-Galarreta, F., Urdinez, F. 2020. "An Interactive Model of Democratic Peace". Journal of Peace Research. Distinguido con el Premio Nacional de Ciencia Política “Carlos Real de Azúa” (2021), entregado por la Asociación Uruguaya de Ciencia Política.

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0022343319883672

Abstract: Democracies do not take up arms against each other. Although this axiom has attained the status of a mantra in the field of international relations, this statement is much more complex than it appears, in part because it is highly contingent on the definitions and operationalizations of both democracy and conflict. This article revisits democratic peace theory, combining both institutional constraints and similarity-based arguments. Interactions between the democratic level of the dyad (the average democratic level of its members) and its democratic spread (difference between the democratic scores of its members) create a dyadic triangle that encompasses all possible combinations of cases, revisiting which dyads are more prone to conflict. The findings partially confirm and partially refute both the institutional constraints and the similarity-based arguments, leading to a nuanced alternative theory: the Interactive Model of Democratic Peace. Akin to democratic peace theory, our evidence shows that the higher a dyad’s level of democracy is, the lower the probability of fatal militarized interstate disputes between that pair of states. However, contrary to democratic peace theory, we find that dissimilar-regime dyads can still be peaceful as long as they have a high mean of democracy. Following the theory of regime similarity, we consider the democratic spread of each dyad, but we find that being similar is not a sufficient condition for peace between the members of a dyad. From the empirical evidence, the article derives three heuristic zones of conflict, filling much of the gray area that has been left unexplained by previous models.

Schulz, C. A. & Rojas-De-Galarreta, F. 2020. "Chile as a Transpacific Bridge: Brokerage and Social Capital in the Pacific Basin". Geopolitics.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14650045.2020.1754196?journalCode=fgeo20

Abstract: The idea of Chile as a ‘bridge country’ that connects – or should connect – Latin America with the Asia-Pacific region has guided its commercial diplomacy since the early 1990s. We argue that this geopolitical vision corresponds closely with what network analysts describe as a ‘broker’: an actor that bridges ‘structural holes’ by connecting otherwise disconnected actors or groups of actors. As a relational approach, social network analysis provides an alternative way of thinking about Chile’s position in international relations that does not rely on preconceived groupings or rank orders based on country attributes, as in the case of ‘middle powers’ and ‘small states.’ Further, the approach allows us to empirically explore which countries of the Pacific Basin currently perform such a role and whether (and when) Chile conforms to the theoretical expectations of a ‘transpacific broker.’ Using network data on commercial agreements (1980–2018), we trace Chile’s emergence as a transpacific broker and discuss how its commercial diplomacy provided the country with leverage in this regard. In doing so, the study sheds light on the opportunities and limitations of peripheral actors seeking to gain social capital through networks of relations.

Facuse, M., Villagordo, E. & Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2019). “Violeta Parra: procesos de reconocimiento y formas de consagración en una trayectoria de artista”. Artelogie, 13. LATINDEX

https://doi.org/10.4000/artelogie.3513

Abstract: Violeta Parra representa hoy en día una de las artistas chilenas más reconocidas internacionalmente, sin embargo el alcance de su obra ha sido escasamente analizado y reconocido por la cultura dominante tanto en los circuitos artísticos como académicos. Planteamos una serie de hipótesis, formuladas desde la sociología del arte y de la cultura, para explicar este hecho, buscando dar cuenta de la singularidad de una trayectoria a la vez artística y social. Su condición de mujer campesina y la débil institucionalización del campo artístico chileno de su época condujeron a V. Parra a emprender una carrera de artista donde se fusionaron elementos dispares provenientes de diferentes geografías y épocas en el marco de un objetivo global de emancipación y autodeterminación de la cultura chilena. A partir de estas hipótesis presentamos y hacemos dialogar entre sí los textos que componen este número especial.

Boza, S.; Muñoz, J. & Núñez, A. 2019. “Food Policy in Chile”. Elsevier Reference Module in Food Science.

https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-08-100596-5.22617-6

Abstract: Chile has a unique environment for agricultural production and excellent positioning in international markets, especially for fruits and wines. The country stands out in Latin America for its low malnutrition. The current diet of Chileans, however, is not healthy. This results in a high incidence of obesity and related non communicable diseases (NCDs). There is a large gap between export and local-market-oriented farmers. Small-scale farming has a vulnerable position, which results in migration and a high average age of local-market producers. The main challenge for Chile at present is to promote a food system that maintains the excellent export position, but also supports small producers and significantly improves the nutritional quality of the Chilean diet. In this article we will present a short description of agricultural and food production, trade and consumption in Chile, to later analyze the institutions related to food policy and highlight some recent initiatives.

López, D. & Muñoz, F. 2018. "Trade Policy and Women in the Pacific Alliance". Agenda Internacional, Año XXV, No. 36, 133-150. LATINDEX.

https://doi.org/10.18800/agenda.201801.007

Abstract: The relation between trade and gender is complex, and has not been deeply analysed in the case of Latin American countries. Mainstream economics argue that trade is gender-neutral, but the discussion should focus whether trade policy could be oriented to foster women’s economic inclusion. It is well known that, with the adequate policies, women’s economic empowerment could positively impact economic growth and reduce poverty, and therefore, trade policy may become an instrument to achieve this objective. The Pacific Alliance, a novel integration scheme, has considered women economic inclusion into their work and objec- tives. In this article, we aim to review trade policies implemented at regional and domestic level amongst the four Pacific Alliance member countries: Colombia, Chile, Mexico and Peru. For this, the article is divided as follows. The first section reviews the literature on trade policy and gender issues, specifically in women inclusion aspects. The second section presents those policies discussed and implemented at the Pacific Alliance. The third section individu- ally reviews member countries trade policies on women economic inclusion and empower- ment. Finally, we present some conclusions and policy recommendations.

Milet, P. 2018. “Fuerzas Armadas y democracia en Chile. Avances y temas pendientes”. Revista Nueva Sociedad 278. Buenos Aires, noviembre-diciembre. Pp. 70-77. LATINDEX.

Abstract: A 45 años del golpe militar y a 30 del plebiscito que acabó con la dictadura pinochetista en Chile, aún falta avanzar en la «cuestión militar». Tanto los juicios por los derechos humanos como la cuestión de la autonomía de las Fuerzas Armadas y sus privilegios están en el debate público. Los recientes casos de corrupción en las Fuerzas Armadas, así como los beneficios a los que pueden acceder los condenados por crímenes de lesa humanidad, han marcado los debates sobre la democracia y los vínculos entre civiles y militares.

C.- Libros

Bórquez, A.; López, D.; Guoyou, S. & Muñoz, F. (Eds.) (2022). China trade policy in Latin America: puzzles, transformation and impacts. Zurich: Springer

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98664-3

Summary: This book examines China's trade insertion strategy in Latin America. Divided into five parts, the book features scholars from China, Chile, Costa Rica, Peru, and Mexico who present the main actors and dynamics around China's trade policy in the region in twelve carefully selected contributions, with qualitative and quantitative case studies. Highlighting China's important trade presence in Latin America after joining the World Trade Organization (WTO), the book analyzes the effects of free trade agreements China signed with three countries in the region - Chile (2005), Peru (2010), and Costa Rica (2011) - as well as specific preferential agreements with other countries from Latin America.

While the first part of this book reviews China and Latin America trade policies, the second part explores China's view of Latin America. In a third part of the book, the contributions provide a deeper look into the trade relations between China and the countries of Peru, Costa Rica, Mexico, and the United States. The fourth part of the volume focuses on the emerging trade agenda between the two regions. Finally, the fifth part of the book discusses the trade challenges between China and Latin American and Caribbean countries.

The book will appeal to scholars of international relations, economics, and political science, as well as policy-makers interested in a Chinese and Latin American perspective on trade policy in general, and on China's trade policy in the region in particular.

López, M.A.; Aguirre, D. y Erlandsen, M. (Eds). 2018. Diplomacia Pública Digital: El Contexto Iberoamericano. Heredia, Costa Rica: Ed. Universidad Nacional de Costa Rica.

D.- Capítulos de Libro

Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2024). “Latin America and the Caribbean: How the Belt and Road Initiative Diminished the United States influence”, in Regilme, S.S. (ed.), The United States and China in the Era of Global Transformations: Geographies of Rivalry. Bristol: Bristol University Press. ISBN:

https://bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/the-united-states-and-china-in-the-era-of-global-transformations

Cáceres, J. & Muñoz, F. (2023). South America’s leadership in gender mainstreaming in trade agreements. In: Bahri, A., Remy, J. & López, D. (Eds). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009363716.016

Summary: There is a growing awareness that trade affects women and men differently based on their position in the economy, and that it also affects women’s empowerment and well-being. Although countries in South America have traditionally imported provisions of trade agreements from developed countries, they have also demonstrated their ability to innovate and design gender-sensible trade regulations. Mainstreaming gender elements into economic and trade policies is crucial for women’s empowerment and will have a positive effect on both women’s and the region’s social and economic development. While some trade agreements have incorporated gender references in their preambles and in provisions relating to cooperation, the very first standalone trade and gender chapter was incorporated in the Chile–Uruguay Free Trade Agreement (FTA). This was followed by other South American countries such as Argentina, Brazil, and Ecuador, that have also incorporated this kind of chapter in their FTAs. Through a review of gender provisions in South American bilateral trade agreements and in the region’s main integration processes (Pacific Alliance and Mercosur), this chapter will demonstrate how South America has advanced gender-sensitive trade policymaking which has expanded to other regions.

López, D.; Bórquez, A. & Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2023). "Chilean Overseas Foreign Direct Investment to China", in Dussel-Peters, E. (ed.), Latin-American and Caribbean Overseas Foreign Direct Investment to China in the Twenty-First Century, Mexico DF: REDALC-China, pp.177-210.

Cáceres, J. & Muñoz, F. (2022). The Gendered Impact of the COVID-19 Crisis in Latin America. In: Baisotti, P. & Moscuzza, P. (Eds). Reframing Globalization after COVID-19. Pandemic Diplomacy amid the Failure of Multilateral Cooperation. Pp. 66-96. Sussex: Sussex Academic Press.

https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv3029rw6.6

Summary: The economic crisis derived from the COVID-19 pandemic and the sanitary measures to contain the expansion of the virus have had a profound effect on economic activities worldwide. According to the IMF, while in 2020 the world economic output fell by 3.3 percent, in Latin America it contracted by 7 percent (IMF, 2021). Looking beyond the aggregate data, and in contrast with previous economic crises whose impact was evenly distributed on women and men or deeper on men, the economic crisis derived from the COVID-19 pandemic has been highlighted for its stronger impact on women (Karageorge, 2020; Carli, 2020).

Muñoz, F & Cáceres, J. (2022) An Analysis of E-commerce Provisions in Sino-Latin American Relations. In: Bórquez, A.; López, D.; Guoyou, S. & Muñoz, F. (Eds.). China trade policy in Latin America: puzzles, transformation and impacts. Zurich: Springer

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98664-3_11

Abstract: The patterns in international economic relations have changed in the last decades as the relevance of intangibles rises. There is a growing concern on developing digital trade which may help to diversify and add value to exports. The use of digital platforms may directly connect SMEs with consumers, expanding their market access or allowing traditional services such as education, medicine, among others, to be traded across borders. This has become particularly relevant for China and Latin America, which trade relations have been characterized by the exchange of raw materials (export of commodities from Latin America to China) and final consumption goods (imported from China to the region). A problem toward the development of digital economy is the fragmentation of normative frameworks that will promote cross-border exchanges. In this context, the objective of this chapter is to analyze the digital trade dimension of Sino-Latin American relations, with special emphasis on the inclusion of e-commerce-related provisions in their international agreements. It is concluded that the Digital Economy Partnership Agreement can be used as a benchmark to guide the current and future negotiations between China and Latin American economies.

Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2022).“Los límites del modelo “un país dos sistemas” en la región administrativa especial de Hong Kong”, in Sebastián Soto Velasco (ed.) & Simón Pinto Flores (coord.). El Derecho Público para la modernización institucional. En homenaje al profesor Francisco Orrego Vicuña, pp. 683-697, Valencia: Tirant Lo Blanch.

Cáceres, J. (2022). Chinese export promotion policies towards Latin America: The Belt and Road Initiative. In: Bórquez, A.; López, D.; Guoyou, S. & Muñoz, F. (Eds.). China trade policy in Latin America: puzzles, transformation and impacts. Zurich: Springer

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98664-3_5

Abstract: China has become the main trading partner for most Latin American economies, on the one hand, due to the growth in natural resources imports, and on the other, as a supplier of final consumption and industrial goods. During the last years, this participation has not only grown in aggregated terms, but China has also been able to develop a more complex export matrix, increasing its participation in highly innovative and technological sectors. This is the result of the implementation of various policies, among which export promotion policies become fundamental for its development. The objective of this chapter is to understand how the Belt and Road Initiative has become a fundamental element within Chinese export promotion policies toward Latin America. As some BRI projects in the region have been stalled, the Digital Silk Road appears as an alternative to enhance export promotion through cooperation between China and the Latin American region.

Rebolledo, A., Albertoni, N., Montt, M. López, D., & Muñoz, F. (2022) The Not-So-Boring Political Economy of Trade Policy in Chile. In Cornik, J., Frieden, J., Mesquita, M. & Stein, E. Political Economy of Trade Policy in Latin America. Pp. 107-138. Washington. D.C.: InterAmerican Development Bank.

Abstract: Chile’s trade policy has been very active for the last 25 years, including implementing an open-economy strategy that adequately complemented unilateral instruments and conducting multilateral and bilateral trade negotiations, with the latter being fundamental to inserting the country into international markets and promoting growth and economic development. Today Chile is among the countries in the world with the most extensive networks of trade agreements, with 26 in force with 64 countries that account for nearly two-thirds of the world population. The agreements cover more than 90 percent of Chile’s foreign trade and almost 100 percent of its investment flows, which means that Chile has negotiated trade agreements with countries that account for 90 percent of GDP worldwide. This result dates to a critical juncture in Chile’s history: the end of the dictatorship and the beginning of democracy in the early 1990s. Although the trade policy at the time could have headed in different directions, including a reversal, it was decided to continue liberalizing policies that had begun in the 1970s and to resume historical ties with Chile’s neighbors in the region and with the international community. The trade agreements, especially those signed with the Latin American countries, were conceived as the most appropriate way to resume international relations, which had been suspended or diminished during the 17 years of military government, and to bring more opportunities for Chilean products and services in international markets and greater liberalization of its local market.

Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2021), “La retórica de la conectividad de la Iniciativa de la Franja y la Ruta en América Latina”, in Jorge Sahd (ed.). China y América Latina: Claves para el futuro, pp.151-173, Santiago: Centro de Estudios Internacionales Universidad Católica (CEIUC) & Konrad Adenauer Stiftung.

http://centroestudiosinternacionales.uc.cl/publicaciones/publicaciones-ceiuc/4689-china-america-latina-claves-hacia-el-futuro

Abstract: Este estudio analiza participación desde 2018 de los países de América Latina y el Caribe (ALC) en la Iniciativa de la Franja y la Ruta de China (BRI) iniciada en 2013. Adoptando una perspectiva constructivista, el análisis crítico de la literatura y de documentos oficiales muestran cómo la movilización de la retórica de la conectividad por parte del gobierno chino ha creado unas expectativas exageradas en los gobiernos de ALC cuyas economías están afectadas por un déficit estructural de infraestructuras. En realidad, el BRI no ha modificado substancialmente las dinámicas anteriores presentes en las relaciones entre ALC y China, ni ha remediado los problemas relacionados con la dependencia de las economías de la región con la economía China. El examen de los mecanismos de participación en el BRI —memorándums de entendimiento y participación en foros oficiales— y de los factores que explican los diferentes grados de participación de los gobiernos LAC señalan que la iniciativa es en realidad una estrategia discursiva que da cobertura a una concepción de las relaciones internacionales no legalista y cuya esencia es el pragmatismo y la flexibilidad.

Serrano-Moreno, J.E. (2021). “El impacto de la ley de seguridad nacional en el estado de derecho y la libertad de expresión en Hong Kong”, in Manuel Sánchez de Diego Fernández De la Riva & María Salvador Martínez (dir.). Fundamentos de la transparencia, aspectos políticos y perspectiva internacional, pp.503-522, Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales.

http://www.cepc.gob.es/publicaciones/monografias/fundamentos-de-la-transparencia-aspectos-politicos-y-perspectiva-internacional

López, D. & Muñoz, F. 2020. "Chile: tensión entre políticas sectoriales y horizontales", en Mulder, Nanno (Ed.). Gobernanza y desempeño exportador de los servicios modernos en América Latina y la India. Chile. CEPAL. Pp. 93-118

Cáceres, J. & Muñoz, F. (2020). Inteligencia artificial y derecho de autor: una discusión necesaria. En: Terlizzi, M. & Wachowicz, M. (Eds.). Propiedad Intelectual, Sociedad y Desarrollo. Reflexiones desde América Latina. pp. 28-43. Buenos Aires: FLACSO Argentina – GEDAI.

Bórquez, A. & Herrera, P. 2019. Políticas Económicas Exteriores de China y la transformación de su modelo productivo: un camino desde la imitación hacia la innovación. Crisóstomo Pizarro. Desafíos de APEC. Chile: Consejo rectores Valparaíso. 65-82

https://cidep.uv.cl/attachments/article/19/tapa%20CUADERNO-FORO-XXI_2019.pdf

Abstract: Durante las últimas seis décadas de comunismo en la República Popular China se han vivido diversas transformaciones económicas, siendo uno de los países que más cambios ha experimentado considerando que han ocurrido en una corta proporción de tiempo y que se han realizado bajo el mismo régimen. A partir del año 1978, el Partido Comunista chino comienza una nueva etapa de reformas orientadas a la apertura del mercado y modernización del país. Estas reformas no solamente apuntaban a transformar la economía central planificada por una economía socialista de mercado, sino que además buscaban modificar el modelo productivo basado en la dependencia tecnológica, por un modelo industrial con características chinas, centrado en la innovación y en el liderazgo de la cadena de suministro global. En los siguientes apartados se procederá a revisar, por un lado, las principales reformas y políticas que impulsó China para modernizar su economía. Por el otro lado, se analizarán las principales estrategias internacionales que desplegó China para transformar su modelo económico basado en la imitación hacia uno pro-innovación.

Bórquez, A. 2019. Free Trade Agreements as mechanisms of wide-ranging and multi-layered cooperation: China and the deepening of relations with Chile. In: Zhang Yi & Miguel Montoya (Ed). Development and the National Middle-Income Trap: China-Latin America experiences. Beijing: China Social Sciences Press.

https://www.amazon.com/China-Latin-America-Overcoming-Middle-income/dp/7520327485

Abstract: Chile-China FTA is on the road to development, since this instrument has not only served to encourage commercial exchange but has also become a comprehensive cooperation mechanism which includes comprehensive long-term initiatives. To demonstrate this, first, theoretical elements are discussed that analyze the Chinese influence and cooperation model. Second, the major elements of the agreements are examined. Third, the progress and new avenues of the agreements after ten years of implementation are compared.

Bórquez, A. 2018. Políticas de facilitación del comercio en el marco de la Iniciativa la Franja y la Ruta: retos y oportunidades para América Latina, In: Shixue, Jiang et Al. La Franja y la Ruta: Iniciativa China de cooperación con América Latina, Ushuaia: ediciones UNTDF.

http://www.untdf.edu.ar/extension/ediciones/territorios

Abstract: Los presidentes de Chile y Argentina participaron en el primer Foro de La Franja y la Ruta para la Cooperación Internacional celebrado en Beijing en mayo de 2016. Estas autoridades representan los primeros países de América Latina en unirse a la iniciativa. Durante esta reunión, ambas naciones americanas mostraron interés en participar activamente y destacaron las oportunidades que este foro representa para Sudamérica, principalmente las ventajas comparativas de la región como plataforma de alimentos y minerales para los países de La Franja y la Ruta. A pesar de este optimismo inicial, Sudamérica aún tiene varios vacíos por resolver para estar a la altura de los desafíos de participar en BRI. Entre las principales dificultades citadas en los informes internacionales, se encuentran: bajo nivel de infraestructura y logística, cadenas de valor mundiales de bajo nivel, barreras no arancelarias no transparentes, duplicación de documentación y lenta incorporación de procedimientos automáticos en el envío de datos (OCDE, 2013, 2015; ONU–OHRLLS, 2015; Banco Interamericano de Desarrollo, 2016). En esta configuración, las políticas de facilitación del comercio emergen como un mecanismo accesible y efectivo para reducir el impacto de las barreras antes mencionadas. Especialmente porque la facilitación del comercio no requiere negociaciones formales, a diferencia del Tratado de Libre Comercio, y por lo tanto es más factible políticamente para hacer cumplir en una región con diversos sistemas políticos y administrativos (Estevadeordal, 2017).

López, D.; Muñoz, F. & Corvalán, A. 2018. "Services Dimension in the Pacific Alliance". En: Sauvé, Pierre, Rodrigo Polanco y José Alvarez, (Eds) The Pacific Alliance in a World of Preferential Trade Agreements. Lessons in Comparative Regionalism. 137-154. Springer Verlag.

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78464-9_7

Abstract: The Pacific Alliance was established to deepen the integration process among its members by speeding up measures for enabling the free circulation of goods and financial flows, the delivery of services and the movement of people across borders. Services have become one of the main work packages of the Alliance, as they are seen as an alternative means for member countries to achieve higher economic growth and development. High expectations characterize the level of ambition and commitments in trade in services. Therefore, this chapter will analyze the services dimension of the Pacific Alliance. A review of the commitments made by PA members in their services negotiations is made, noticing that the Alliance does not seems to represent a big step towards services openness.

Gamboa, R. y Dockendorff, A. 2018. "Chilean Electoral System: A moderate D’Hondt PR". En Farazmand A. (eds) Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance. Springer, Cham.

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_3661-1

Abstract: Between 1990 and 2013, there were more than 25 attempts in the Chilean legislature to put an end to the electoral system regulating the election of parliamentarians that had been established by Pinochet’s authoritarian regime. Known as the binomial system, it had been criticized on various grounds (Chasquetti 2017). On the one hand, its legitimacy was questioned: because it was established by Pinochet, it was considered to be an “authoritarian legacy” (Garretón 2006). On the other hand, critics argued that the distribution of electoral districts led to pronounced inequalities in the vote (malapportionment), that it generated a marked disproportionality in representation, that it excluded important groups from the assembly, and that it did not encourage interparty competition (Auth 2006). Public opinion polls showed that a large part of the population supported electoral reform (Segovia and Laroze 2009). Nevertheless, no reform attempt prospered. Following the 2013 elections, the political and parliamentary scenario changed significantly. This encouraged the government of Michelle Bachelet (2014–2018) to make a further attempt at reform of the electoral system. Thus, at the beginning of her administration, she presented a reform bill whose main objectives were to reduce the levels of malapportionment, promote greater interparty competition, increase the representativeness of the system by establishing greater opportunities for other groups to reach Congress (Gamboa and Morales 2016), and change “the current unequal gender representation in the National Congress” (Bachelet 2014). After a year of debate and negotiation, in 2015 a large enough parliamentary majority was finally assembled to replace the binomial system with a (so-called) moderate proportional system. The new rules were applied for the first time in the 2017 elections. This contribution describes and examines the main components of the new Chilean electoral system and analyzes the results of the first elections held under these new rules. The first section describes the main features of the electoral system for parliamentary elections in Chile and explains, with an illustrative example, how the seat distribution system works. The second section analyzes the effects of the electoral system using data from the 2017 election. We refer to the system’s results in terms of proportionality, fragmentation, and the effect of the quota law. We conclude with some final observations.

Gamboa, R. & López, M.A.. 2018. "Chile: Women´s Suffrage and Political Participation:1935-2015". En Franceschet, Susan, Mona Krook y Netina Tan (eds), The Palgrave Handbook of Women’s Political Rights. London: Palgrave McMillan, 85-99.

https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59074-9

Abstract: This chapter analyzes the “Chilean route” to women’s suffrage and how women in Chile came to form part of the electorate and the decision-making system in general. Like other countries discussed in this volume, Chile suf- frage was extended to women through two legislative decisions separated by fifteen years. In 1934, women received the right to vote in municipal elec- tions, yet had to wait until 1949 to be eligible to vote in national elections. In this chapter, we argue that this two-stage process was due mainly to the ruling elite’s interest in observing how women would vote at the municipal level, which was of minor political importance, and delaying their partici- pation in parliamentary and presidential elections at the national level until they felt confident that women’s suffrage would not bring about a significant change in the political landscape. Thus, only when women’s electoral behav- ior at the municipal level was stable—with a distribution of votes similar to the vote in parliamentary elections—were women conceded the right to vote in elections at all levels of government.
In the second part of the paper, we outline some of the consequences of women’s enfranchisement. We argue that the electoral inclusion of women occurred slowly, and even though women had always been a demographic majority, it was not until 1989 that they came to form a majority of the electorate. When it comes to women’s impact as voters, we demonstrate that, with some exceptions, Chile exemplifies a “traditional gender gap,” in the sense that a greater proportion of women than men support right-wing or Catholic parties. Finally, when we look at the distribution of candidates by gender in the last 25 years and women’s access to elected posts, we see that women’s inclusion remains far from complete. We conclude by noting that the recent change in Chile’s electoral law, which now includes a gender quota, may improve women’s political representation.

Henríquez, M.J. 2018. “Política exterior, desarrollismo y neoliberalismo: España como espacio de sustitución para Chile (1964-1989)”. En Beatriz Figallo (Ed.) Desarrollismo, Franquismo y Neohispanidad: Historias conectadas entre España, América Latina y Argentina. Buenos Aires: Editorial Teseo, 415- 443.

Henríquez, M.J.. 2018. “El origen de las acciones multilaterales de Chile”. En Somavía, Juan y Pedro Oyarce (Eds), Chile actor del Sistema Multilateral. Una tradición nacional. Santiago de Chile, Academia Diplomática de Chile-Secretaria General Iberoamericana, 47-53.

López, M.A. 2018. "Diplomacia Pública Digital en Tiempos de Crisis: el uso de Twitter en la disputa chileno-boliviana". En Aguirre, Daniel, Matthias Erlandsen y Miguel Ángel López (Eds.), Diplomacia Pública Digital: el Contexto Iberoamericano. Capítulo de libro con Daniel Aguirre Heredia. Costa Rica: Ediciones Universidad Nacional de Costa Rica. Pp. 243-280.

López, M.A. y Méndez, I. 2018. "Party Funding System in Mexico and Chile”. In Mendilow, Jonathan and Phellipeau, Eric. Handbook of Political Party Funding. London: Eduard Elgar. With Irma Méndez. Book Chapter. Pp:425-450.

https://doi.org/10.4337/9781785367977.00034

Abstract: This chapter examines the party funding system in Mexico and Chile in the period 1990–2016. It analyses the evolution of the legal framework, the context of institutional changes, and its intended benefits. We compare Chile and Mexico as two cases that started the 21st century with very different party funding systems but ended up with similar rules that support generous public funding schemes that follow principles of transparency and equality and aim to end scandals of political corruption and illegal funding of party campaigns. Gradually, the singularities of the past gave way to the similarities of the present. These similarities in political finance are shared by most of the advanced democracies.

López, M.A.; Alenda, S.; Pelfini, A.; Riveros, C. y Vivallos, C. 2018. "El estudio de las élites políticas en Chile: figuras y sostenes del orden”. En Vommaro, Gabriel y Mariana Gené (Comp). Las elites políticas en el Sur. Un estado de la cuestión de los estudios sobre Argentina, Brasil y Chile. Buenos Aires: Los Polvorines, Ediciones Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento. Coautor capítulo de libro con Comité Editorial. Pp: 153.

Wilhelmy, M. 2018. "APEC: inserción en el Asia Pacífico". En Somavía, Juan y Pedro Oyarce (Eds). Chile Actor del Sistema Multilateral - Una Tradición Nacional. Santiago: ACADE y Secretaría General Iberoamericana (Segib). Pp. 741-760.

Milet, P. 2018. “Reconfiguración del escenario internacional y regional. Estados Unidos o China: ¿hacia dónde camina América Latina?". En Serbin, A. (Ed.) América Latina y el Caribe frente a un Nuevo Orden Mundial: Poder, globalización y respuestas regionales (Colección Pensamiento Propio ed.). Buenos Aires: Icaria Editorial / Ediciones CRIES. Pp.205-223.

Abstract: El orden internacional se articula en torno a acciones y omisiones, con incidencia de fuerzas de endógenas y exógenas, que generan una serie de fenómenos, algunos de largo plazo y otros más acotados y coyunturales. Dentro de este artículo, el factor de mayor plazo que consideramos es el traslado del eje del poder de Occidente a Oriente. En los últimos años, las mayores propuestas para la construcción de nuevas instituciones y espacios de cooperación provienen de la Cuenca del Pacífico y, específicamente, de China, consolidada como el principal país exportador y la segunda economía a nivel mundial, que viene ampliando sus áreas de influencia, en contraposición a un Estados Unidos que cada vez va perdiendo más espacios. En esta línea, como factor más acotado, consideraremos la inacción por parte de Estados Unidos y de algunas de las principales potencias atlánticas. En el caso de Estados Unidos, incluso más que inacción, el retroceso en los espacios de influencia a nivel global, particularmente a partir de las decisiones adoptadas por el gobierno de Donald Trump, como la retirada del Acuerdo de Cambio Climático de París y del Acuerdo Transpacífico (TPP, por sus siglas en inglés). Estas opciones asumidas por el mandatario estadounidense, además de dejar espacios para el desarrollo de nuevos liderazgos, han incrementado la incertidumbre con respecto a las líneas de acción futuras, y - en la búsqueda de certezas de largo plazo - las miradas se han redireccionado hacia Asia. Es en este marco, como contraparte, que China y otros países de Asia, como India y Japón, asumen un rol más activo a nivel internacional y se constituyen en alternativas reales de vinculación y cooperación para países de menor desarrollo relativo, como aquellos de América Latina que, por diversos motivos, han experimentado el estancamiento de la mayoría de sus iniciativas regionales. Este último es un factor de más reciente generación que, junto con otras condicionantes internas, determinan la proyección hacia el exterior de los países de América Latina y El Caribe. El objetivo de este trabajo, considerando las variables antes mencionadas, es analizar si efectivamente los países latinoamericanos, en un escenario de reconfiguración internacional y crisis regional, están priorizando una estrategia de mediano plazo hacia el Asia Pacífico, y, específicamente, hacia China.

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